Kaj ste takrat razumeli kot liberalizem? Bili smo del tradicije odpora proti monopolni oblasti radikalne levice v partiji, ki je imela korenine v Rusiji devetnajstega stoletja. Kaj je vam pomenila evropska orientacija? Predvsem usmeritev v moderno gospodarstvo. Predstavniki tega trenda so bili v vseh jugoslovanskih republikah. Tudi teme iz prve Jugoslavije.
|Published (Last):||23 March 2015|
|PDF File Size:||3.73 Mb|
|ePub File Size:||19.24 Mb|
|Price:||Free* [*Free Regsitration Required]|
As a leader of the League of Communists of Serbia, he was labeled as - and that was what the Party accused him of - a promoter of the concept contrary to the ideology of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia.
An analogy was drawn from the experience of other communist parties in power. The system was not afraid of counterrevolution, but of democratic models that were, on the one hand, offered by civilized West, and, on the other, rigorously renounced by the shaken East of real-socialism. And domestic bureaucratized regime with one party in command of everything was afraid of both. And how is that possible if one bears in mind that everything to be found in it was written two decade before Serbian nationalists and Milosevic came together?
An answer to this question is quite simple. Nikezic fully understood the nature of ideas propagated by a Belgrade intellectual circle, he explained these ideas the same as he did when it came to the instruments that would put them into practice, and he finally defined the ultimate goals behind them.
Two decades later, ideas, methods and goals of nationalism came to light in the most brutal form, just as he had predicted. Nikezic himself did not live long enough to see how cruel - an incomprehensible to many of his contemporaries- and how accurate to detail was the logic he followed when perceiving the threat to Yugoslavia and Serbia proper.
Unless it solves the issue of its productivity, a society cannot imply either justice or solidarity. For him, the unbreakable link between economic dynamism and democracy is an axiom. Unless this link is acknowledged, ideology and ideological struggles are deprived of their fundamental justification. The policy of national equality is the basic element of such relationship.
What a society has to do is to establish relations capable of defending themselves, and simultaneously overcome the heavy burden of backwardness and communist dogma that are connected with it stealthily, but strongly. With the power he was invested with at the time, he endeavored to safeguard the state of Yugoslavia that had been reconstructed after the World War II. Inspired by common democratic and liberal tradition, he turned to European values. And his personal fate, too, was unusual.
For, at his time, the same as before - and the same as today - the vertical failed as it was prevailed by a horizontal, and even by something much deeper than the two. Historian makes critical judgments and draws conclusions only on the grounds of sufficient evidence.
Latinka Perović: Titova najveća 'greška' je što je umro (2. deo)
Latinka Perović: Srbi ne poznaju dovoljno Rusiju, to znanje je folklorno